Yeltsin and Tchernomyrdin`s mutual relations
Despite the rough public debate caused by reforming of the government, Boris Yeltsin prefers to keep silent, suggesting to wait the first results of activity of a new office. Relations between the president and the prime minister are analyzed by an observer MAXIM - SOKOLOV.
the Desire of the president to separate from a new economic course of premieres - the minister would be surprising only in the event that speeches about “ a humanisation “ “ softening “ and etc. reforms represented the facts. In case of approach “ an era of humanism “ Yeltsin “ I - not I, and not my horse “ would be really incompatible - who refuses glory of the kind governor? But where it is easier and more logical to assume that the economic policy becomes any not humane, and only another, and another it becomes, because has at the moment won, using Marxist language, that from groups of monopolistically bourgeoisie (a raw lobby) which is focused on inflation.
the politician, obviously, cannot ignore a present parity of forces in groups of monopolistically bourgeoisie - from here and presidential confirmation new chernomyrdinskogo an office. However it cannot ignore and that fact that the new economic policy will be not more popular in any way than the former. In the novel of Melnikova - Pechersky “ On mountains “ one rybotorgovets reproaches another for the dumping prices: “ About near would think! “ - on what that objects: “ Not one rybotorgovtsy our near “. In understanding of what not one directors our near, it would be strange to stake the rests of presidential authority for the sake of trivial saturation of lobbist appetites and where it is more favourable to keep these rests, publicly showing the perfect readiness as soon as possible to hand over Tchernomyrdin.
in this sense in all other mixed Yeltsin, Gaydar, Zhirinovsky, Javlinsky the rational or instinctive understanding of makes related that at rather weak Russian finance the resource of an inflationary rating is very insignificant, and the short and small initial pleasure (if it in general is) will promptly pass in a heavy and long Ukrainian hang-over. And than to toil in another`s feast with a hang-over, where it is better to depart away then to be in snow-white copes. Such unanimous desire to give agrarian - industrial Gargantjua with a crash obkushatsja is dictated by understanding of that the failure is inevitable, inability comprehension this failure to prevent and desire at least to turn it to the political benefit.
the situation would be quite trivial, and Tchernomyrdin`s prospects quite hopeless if the prime minister did not understand, with what impatience all wait for its failure. To deceive such expectations, the politician ordinary aspires to make for the short term released to it a situation irreversible. Or economically - as Gaydar unfroze prices, recognising that back them will not tyre out. Or politically - as in the summer of 1991 of premieres of Pavels solicited the dictatorial powers which realisation would make president Gorbachev purely decorative figure. Within the limits of aspiration to irreversibility it would be logical to Tchernomyrdin to expand sharply, on the one hand, volume of the powers, involving in an influence orbit while subordinates to the president of power ministers, and with another - firmly to put economy on a needle of inflationary injections. Accordingly logician Yeltsin - at any cost to keep at itself “ agents of national security “ and to pray to God that the hang-over from credit issue has come as soon as possible.